Edward Clementson, Castaway and Flax Agent, 1833-1838

Tauranga’s Early Traders Part IV
 

Like the South Shields collier Mary shown here in two views, Clementson’s vessels Elizabeth and Bee were British built brigs – vessels generally defined as square sailed, 2 masted vessels, often with one or more try sails between foremast and bowsprit and a fore-and-aft spanker boom sail off the main mast.

Edward Clementson enters New Zealand history in 1830 as a 23-year-old ship’s mate on Captain John Stewart’s 236-ton English brig Elizabeth, which sailed from Sydney to New Zealand in search of a cargo of muka or dressed flax.¹   In return for a promised shipload of this commodity, Stewart transported 100 of Te Rauparaha’s Ngati Toa warriors from Kapiti to Banks Peninsula. There, they surprised and slaughtered many Ngai Tahu people at Takapuneke and captured their leading rangatira Te Maiharanui and his wife. Both were later tortured and killed at Kapiti. The Elizabeth’s crew was reported by Ngai Tahu survivors to have actively participated in the attack. John Stewart was subsequently arrested and sent to trial in Sydney where the charges were dismissed. Although Clementson had led the party of three sailors who seized and chained Te Maiharanui and was described in NSW official documents as one of the two principal offenders, he was not prosecuted.²

By 1832, Edward Clementson was in command of the brig Bee, sharing with the first mate responsibilities for the deck crew, ship’s cargo and navigation. Despite its assorted crews and skippers (including Clementson), the 135-ton, square-rigged sealer-trader was sailed repeatedly and successfully between Hobart and New Zealand, and along the latter’s uncharted, unlighted, inshore “cannibal coast”, for more than 20 years.³

Between Abel Tasman’s visit in 1642 and the Treaty in 1840, Maori throughout New Zealand launched 111 recorded taua ito (blood vengeance) and taua muru (ritualised plundering) raids against ships, ships boats and shore parties, almost all retaliatory in accordance with tikanga Maori or customary law. Given these turbulent times, the Bee had a remarkably long period of service, particularly as most voyages were made during the Sealers War (1810-1822) and the most intensive years of the intertribal Musket Wars (1818 -1839).⁴ 

The journalist-historian James Cowan said of the Bee’s voyages during this era:

Under one owner and another, and a succession of hard-case skippers, this busy Bee knocked about New Zealand and its off-shore islands wherever there was a cargo of flax to be picked up from the Maoris in exchange for muskets and gunpowder, or a load of oil and bone from its shore-whalers, or a lot of skins from the seal-hunting gangs. In her spare time she went whaling, like many other South Sea traders of that day.⁵  

In 1833, a time served convict from Hobart town named William Cuthbert, also known as Lincoln Bill, managed to raise enough capital from creditors to charter the Bee and a cargo of “trade” intended for barter with coastal iwi. On boarding the vessel, he directed the Bee’s new captain, William Stewart to sail for New Zealand ostensibly ‘to trade for flax and pigs, oil and “general fixings”, which at that time included smoke-dried tattooed heads; trade term, “baked heads”.  Cuthbert first ordered Stewart to proceed to Tasmania’s Maria Island where he took aboard three escaped convicts from the penal settlement and their captive policeman escort.⁶     

William Stewart was a master mariner and navigator of some repute and Stewart Island is named after him. Clementson, who remained on the Bee in the role of first mate quarrelled with Cuthbert who planned to sail the brig to Peru where he hoped to sell the vessel and its cargo. In due course, the brig reached the New Zealand coast at Tauranga. Here, Cuthbert ordered Clementson ashore at pistol point on one of its beaches “with barely more than the clothes he wore”.⁷

In 1833 Edward Clementson was abandoned on one of Tauranga’s beaches by the Bee’s piratical master William Cuthbert

The Bee’s crew set sail for the Pacific Islands where Cuthbert later dumped the police constable and the three Maria Island convicts. For some months, he and his crew, which mostly comprised time expired convicts like himself, commenced an island hopping, drunken debauch with Polynesian women from various islands between, and including, Tahiti and Hawaii, on their way to Peru. However at Honolulu Harbour, William Cuthbert disappeared, perhaps forewarned that the Sydney authorities had declared the brig a pirated vessel, though the Maketu based trader Phillip Tapsell was later informed that the pirate had been hanged.⁸ The Bee was eventually returned to Sydney and sold for the benefit of Cuthbert’s creditors.

There were no missionaries resident in Tauranga in 1833 and Clementson was fortunate not to have been captured by Ngapuhi or Te Arawa, whose allied waka fleets often entered the harbour and occupied its shores that year to make war on local iwi. Clementson found refuge among Ngai Te Rangi’s trader Pakeha-Maori at Otumoetai Pa, where he was soon recruited as a flax buying agent by the Maketu based trader Phillip Tapsell. Led by Tapsell, Clementson and several Maori guides set out from Maketu to Rotorua, then on to Matamata Pa, the base from which the castaway Englishman was to conduct his trade. The journey and reception at Matamata must have been a strange experience for Clementson, a veteran seaman recently turned landlubber. Tapsell told his biographer, the Maketu Postmaster, Mr E. Little in 1869:

For a part of the way our journey was very severe, over a succession of steep mountains, the sides of which were like precipices, and though the forest of Patatere [sic], which was so dense, and obstructed with undergrowth and supplejack, that our passage through it was toilsome beyond measure. Matamata was at that time a very beautiful place, and provisions of all kind very abundant, A great feast was prepared on the arrival of our party from Maketu. Pigs were killed and roasted, baskets of eels prepared, and stacks of potatoes sufficient for a hundred men; in addition to which a large number of live pigs were sent for our party to kill for ourselves.⁹ 

When Tapsell had negotiated terms of trade with Te Waharoa and other leading rangatira, he and his guides returned to Maketu, leaving Clementson among Matamata’s Ngati Haua people.¹⁰   

Tapsell had already placed traders at Matamata Pa to exchange muskets, munitions and general trade goods for dressed flax. Appointed chief trading agent by Tapsell, Clementson appears to have been readily accepted by his fellows, while he adopted their Pakeha-Maori lifestyle and became fluent in Maori. When the Anglican missionaries Williams, Fairburn, Brown and Morgan ascended the Waihou for the first time in 1833, they were welcomed at Matamata by Te Waharoa. Williams noted that Ngati Haua’s traders were "very civil" Nevertheless, that evening when the missionaries and their christianised Maori porters commenced a hymn, Clementson and his three companions countered from within their whare with a voluminous version of Old King Cole.¹¹

This sketch by Henry Williams of missionaries crossing a swamp is based on his arduous traverse of the Matamata’s great Mangapouri swamp with Revs Fairburn, Brown and Morgan in 1833. The same swamp was traversed by Clementson’s great cross-Kaimai flax trains from 1833.

As arranged by Tapsell and Te Waharoa, for the next several years Clementson's consignments of flax were back packed or pikaued through the great korari or flax swamp known as Mangapouri (Dark Stream) and across the Waihou River, seperating Matamata and the Kaimai Range. They were then laboriously transported up the 1,600-foot range by long lines of women, older children and slaves who camped overnight on the broad summit plateau. Descending the ancient and deeply rutted Wairere track the following day, the porters crossed the Te Puna Peninsula to the Wairoa River mouth. There, they were met by the Otumoetai based Farrow brothers who supervised the consignments’ loading aboard vessels bound for Bay of Islands and those contracted to the Sydney merchant Richard Jones.

While Clementson’s consignments were intermittent, they were considerable. In a letter written to Henry Williams in on 11 September 1835, Alfred Brown who was visiting Tauranga reported: "Mr Clementson is just going to transport upwards of fifty tons of flax to Tauranga in two thousand back-loads. All this has been scraped by the natives since I have been here".¹²

A trader bartering with Maori for baskets of dressed flax and a pig during the 1830s

Despite his actions during the Elizabeth affair, Clementson established and remained on good terms with Tapsell, his fellow traders at Matamata Pa and the Bay of Islands missionaries during their temporary visits to Tauranga between 1833 and 1838. When Clementson learned that Te Waharoa was planning to attack Maketu Pa in early 1836, he twice sent one of his traders to warn Tapsell.¹³ When Rev John Wilson visited Tauranga on the little missionary cutter Kukupa in 1836, the year intertribal warfare in the region reached its apogee, Clementson sent him a bodyguard - a ferocious bull-dog cross, incongruously named Breezy.¹⁴  

Later that year, when Clementson and James Farrow visited the Bay of Islands, they joined the missionaries in supporting a petition to King William IV, by settlers, exasperated at the absence of law and order.¹⁵ Fortunately for Clementson, when he once cursed Te Waharoa “native fashion”, a curse associated with evil and death, a timely intervention by Alfred Brown saved his life. The utu (payment or compensation) demanded by Te Waharoa, and known to have been paid by Brown, while unstated, will have been substantial.¹⁶   

 

Te Waharoa died in 1838 and his Pakeha-Maori Edward Clementson, died soon after, during a voyage from Tauranga to Matata. His trader contemporary James Farrow who survived the voyage informed Phillip Tapsell:

 

       He [Farrow], his wife, Clementson and a young man named Jenkins had set out … with a view of meeting with Mr White [resident trader at Matata and later, a prolific boatbuilder], and when off the place, were overtaken by a gale of wind. It would have been easy for them to have run under the lee of Whale Island where they could have had smooth water, and there have waited till the storm subsided, but their young companion being inexperienced and very confident, was strongly desirous that they should at once land at Matata, which he was of the opinion they could easily do.

 

Yielding to this opinion, they pulled for the mainland, on approaching which, they found a very heavy surf breaking on the bar. Appearances were so threatening, that when near the entrance to the river, they laid on their oars to deliberate on the best course to pursue. They consulted so long that before they were aware, the boat drifted into the breakers and was capsized. Jenkins not being able to swim, went down like a shot. Clementson was a good swimmer, but was so encumbered by heavy boots and buttoned up to the throat with a pea jacket, that after a few strokes, he sank also.¹⁷  

 

James Farrow, who was also a good swimmer, almost succumbed to exhaustion, but encouraged by his Maori wife who swam by his side, he eventually reached the shore and safety.

 

References

¹ NZ pre-1846, Person page 791, Early NZ history, nzearlyhistory.com, http://www.nzearlyhistory.com › p791 

² Ogilvie, Gordon, Banks Peninsula, Cradle of Canterbury, GP Books, Wellington, 1990: 155. McNab, Robert, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. II, Government Printer, Wellington, 1914: 594.

³ Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6. 

⁴ Bentley, Trevor, Pakeha Slaves, Maori Masters, New Holland, Auckland, 2019: 22-23, 25-26.

⁵ Cowan, James, ‘Rovers of the Brig “Bee’ – The Story of a Lawless Cruise in the Old Pacific’, in The New Zealand Railways Magazine, Vol. 13, Issue 3, 1938: 17-20.

⁶ Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6. 

⁷ Auckland Star, 8 December 1928: 1. (Supplement). Cowan, JPS, Vol. 13: 18.

⁸ Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6.

⁹ Ibid.

¹⁰ Ibid. 

¹¹ Vennell, C.W; Brown and the Elms, D.H. Maxwell, Tauranga, 1984: 12.

¹² Gifford, W.H. and H.B. Williams, A Centennial History of Tauranga, The Tauranga Centennial Committee and A.H. and A.W. Reed, Dunedin, 1940, Capper Reprint, 1976: 209.

¹³ Tapsell, P; ‘Reminiscences, 1777?-1873’. Ref. ½-005486, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, NZ: 155-156.

 

¹⁴ Wilson, J.A; Missionary Life and Work in New Zealand, 1889: 56.

 

¹⁵ Polack, J.S; New Zealand, Vol II, Richard Bentley, London, 1838, Capper Reprint, 1974: 188.  

 

¹⁶ L.W. ‘Te Waharoa of NgatiHaua’, in The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol 71, No. 4 1962: 368.

 

¹⁷ Tapsell, P.  ‘Reminiscences’,155-156.

 

Illustrations

John Scott, The South Shields Collier Brig ‘Mary’ 1885, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org ›wiki › Brig

John Kinder, Mt Maunganui, Tauranga, 1874, 1937/15/46, Auckland Art Gallery, Toi O Tamaki.

Henry Williams, ‘Passing through a swamp in New Zealand’, PUBL-0031-1836-1. Alexander Turnbull library, Wellington, NZ.

John Williams, ‘A European male, thought to be Joel Polack bargaining with three Maori males’, [1845-1846]. A-079-017. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, NZ>

James Farrow and his Boat, 1829-1838

Tauranga's Early Traders, Part II

‘I came to Tauranga in 1829’, recalled James Farrow, the district’s first permanent Pakeha settler identified by name.¹ Sometimes referred to as Farrar by later missionary arrivals who did not approve of his musket trading, the former merchant seaman with an entrepreneurial flair was born in London in 1800. Farrow originally landed at the Bay of Islands in 1825, with the object of exchanging muskets and gunpowder for cargoes of dressed muka (flax or Phormium tenax) for a Sydney trading house.² As the Tauranga iwi were not yet fully armed with muskets, in January 1829, he voyaged there in own his sailing craft, which appears to have been a schooner rigged ‘boat’, with a quantity of muskets and general ‘trade’.³ On arrival he was ‘claimed’ by the Ngai Te Rangi people at Otumoetai Pa as ‘their’ Pakeha.

A semi-indigenised pre-Treaty Pakeha-Maori

In the interests of protection and profit, Tauranga’s pre-Treaty flax traders like Farrow lived among the different Ngai Te Rangi hapu around the harbour, becoming in due course a semi-indigenised Pakeha-Maori.
Artist unknown ‘A Pakeha Maori’, in Knox, Thomas W; The Boy Travellers in Australasia, Harpur and Brothers, New York, 1889: 203

Alone among Ngai Te Rangi, Farrow was, not unwillingly, assimilated by his tribe as a semi-indigenised Pakeha-Maori or ‘white man gone native’. Known as Hemi (James), he married an unidentified, high-born Ngai Te Rangi woman and became fluent in Maori but, while honouring a range of customs, retained his European dress and basic values. Farrow enhanced the power and mana of the Otumoetai people by fully arming them and, as the intertribal musket warfare swept the Bay of Plenty, ensured their survival as an entity. As with subsequent Tauranga flax trader arrivals who also became semi-indigenised Pakeha-Maori, Farrow lived in a superior house – in his case within Otumoetai Pa, built and decorated inside and out Maori-style by his whanau and hapu – accommodation befitting his value and status as a valued Pakeha rangatira or white chief and a conduit to European muskets, munitions and general trade goods.⁴ 

Arthur Thomson, a British military surgeon and historian who encountered many former trader Pakeha-Maori during his North Island travels (which included Tauranga) during the 1850s, said of first arrivals like Farrow:

[E]very inducement was held out to white men to settle in the country; houses were built for them, land was given them, they were allowed to select wives from among the daughters of the chiefs and were not required to hew wood or draw water. In return for these royal privileges Pakeha Maoris were required to barter pigs, potatoes, and flax, for guns, blankets, tobacco and other articles.⁵                                                                                         

The house of a rangatira at Otumoetai Pa

Taylor, Richard, ‘Chief’s house, Otumoetai Pa, March 1839’. Richard Taylor’s Sketchbook, Auckland War Memorial Museum, Tamaki Paenga Hira. Ref: MS-302. PD-1961-14-p167-1

In 1829 Farrow, who found the Tauranga flax trade commercially viable, was joined by his brother Daniel. Both were associated with Otumoetai Pa until the 1860s, but little is known about Daniel who, while assisting his brother, lived in his shadow. The harbour offered sheltered anchorages where vessels could be easily unloaded and loaded. Ngai Te Rangi’s leading rangatira at Otumoetai offered protection from hostile tribesmen and guaranteed regular and substantial cargoes of dressed flax. Smaller vessels arriving from the Bay of Islands were loaded directly while beached on the sands below Otumoetai Pa at low tide, where Farrow later had a jetty constructed. Any larger Australia-bound vessels anchored in the Otumoetai channel or at Waikorere (Pilot Bay), where they were loaded from waka.

James Farrow’s years in pre-Treaty Tauranga were adventurous ones. In November 1830, the former privateer and whaler Phillip Tapsell sailed for Maketu, where he established himself as flax trader for the Arawa iwi. Farrow agreed to work as Tapsell’s Tauranga flax agent, a role with many attendant risks. Soon after, when Farrow voyaged to Maketu and uploaded a fresh cargo of trade goods, he and Tapsell retired to the latter’s house for refreshments. Seeing the opportunity, the Arawa rangatira Haupapa and his warriors seized the cargo and carried it off into the bush. Tapsell at once sent for Haupapa, who entered the house with young chief named Pipi. While Farrow blocked the door with his body, Tapsell placed a loaded musket to the head of Haupapa, who, calling out, ‘gave the necessary orders, and the goods were all restored’.⁶

During the early 1830s, James Farrow, while only in his 20s, exchanged muskets, powder, lead, tomahawk heads, rum and blankets with Ngai Te Rangi for huge quantities of dressed flax, pork and potatoes, which were shipped to New South Wales on vessels contracted by Tapsell’s employer, the Sydney merchant house Jones and Walker. The Tauranga flax trade initially proved profitable for all parties. By December 1830 for instance, the British Admiralty in London was purchasing cargoes for Royal Navy lines and rigging at £43 per ton. ⁷

Farrow’s cargoes were often loaded aboard vessels beached at low tide near Otumoetai Pa.

Ilene Stichbury, Unloading on the shore, Auckland. 1920s, Auckland Art Gallery Toi o Tāmaki, The Ilene and Laurence Dakin Bequest, Accession no. 1990/30/2

On another occasion, when Hakairo, another Arawa rangatira, invited Tapsell to establish a flax trade to Rotorua, he sent Farrow, his most trusted agent, with a quantity of trade goods pikaued or backpacked by a long line of Maori porters. After Farrow had purchased ‘80 or 90’ baskets of flax, he sent a message to Maketu informing Tapsell that Hakairo’s people had stopped scraping flax ‘and had begun to look upon the goods sent there as their own, which they could take when they pleased’.⁸ On Tapsell’s instructions, Farrow, his Maori wife and an American Negro assistant ‘very cleverly’ packed the remaining trade goods within the baskets of of flax they had purchased (average weight, 60 pounds apiece) which were then pikaued back to Maketu. The trio were fortunate, as Cabbage, a former Tauranga flax trader who later attempted a similar stratagem at Rotorua, was found out and killed. Hakairo vowed vengeance for the ‘theft’, but nothing came of the affair.⁹

Between 1830 and 1833, Farrow also traded with the rangatira Te Waharoa and his Ngati Haua iwi at Matamata Pa. Although the trade was intermittent, when it did occur, it involved large quantities of flax. Ships’ cargoes up to 70 tons in weight were distributed in back packs, borne by long lines of women and slaves by way of the Wairere track, over the Kaimai Range and down to Tauranga. The cargoes were shipped directly to Walker and Jones in Sydney by large vessels anchoring at the Te Puna (Wairoa) River mouth.¹⁰ Farrow recalled:

 

I had been in the habit of supplying Te Waharoa with guns and power among(?) other things… I used to go to Matamata. The N[gati] haua were supplying me with flax. They carried the flax from Matamata to Tauranga. They were cutting flax about Matamata, at Paparahi, and on the Waihou River at Waiharakeke (the main canoe landing on the Waihou River for parties of Maori visiting or attacking Matamata Pa]. Maori set great value on guns in former times. They would work day and night to get them.¹¹

Farrow’s stock in trade included cast off military flintlock “Brown Bess’ muskets

Flintlock musket, Tower Armouries, circa 1800, London, DM000109 Gift of the Wellington City Council, National Museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa

By 1832, Farrow had been joined by several competing flax traders at Otumoetai and in 1833, Tapsell appointed the former ship’s mate Edward Clementson as his flax agent at Matatmata Pa. Thereafter, Farrow increasingly used his ‘boat’ to collect dressed flax from tribes around the Bay of Plenty.¹² In 1836 he was trading with Arawa at Maketu Pa, when it was stormed with great slaughter by Ngati Haua under Te Waharoa. Rescued by Ngai Te Rangi warriors who had joined the besiegers, Farrow emerged unscathed, but without his ‘trade’.¹³ Matamata’s Edward Clementson featured in another of Farrow’s adventures - a near drowning when his whale boat was swamped in heavy seas off Matata around 1838. Phillip Tapsell described the incident in his reminiscences.

He [Farrow], his wife and [Edward] Clementson, with a young man named Jenkins, set out in a whaleboat for Matata, with a view of meeting Mr. White there [a trader and ship builder], and when off the latter place, were overtaken in a gale of wind. It would have been easy for them to have run under the lee of Whale Island [Moutohora], where they would have had smooth water, and there to have waited till the storm subsided; but their young companion, being inexperienced and very confident, was strongly desirous that they should at once land at Matata, which he was of opinion they could easily do.

Yielding to this opinion, they pulled for the mainland, on approaching which, they found a very heavy surf breaking on the bar. Appearances were so threatening that, when near the entrance of the river, they lay on their oars to deliberate on the best course to pursue. They consulted so long that, before they were aware, the boat drifted into the breakers, and was capsized. Jenkins, not being able to swim, went down like a shot. Clementson was a good swimmer, but so encumbered with heavy boots, and buttoned up to the throat in a pea jacket, that, after a few strokes, he sank also, not to rise again. Farrow, though, also a good swimmer, would have given in from fatigue, but for his wife, who swam by his side, encouraging him continually with the assurance that the people were coming down to the beach, till he reached the shore in safety.¹⁴

A Pakeha trader bargaining with Maori for pigs and baskets of dressed flax and/or potatoes

Williams, John, Maori bargaining with a Pakeha, A-079-017 National Library of New Zealand, Wellington.

As the demand for muskets and Tauranga’s flax export trade declined, James Farrow prospered from the booming provisions trade in salted pork, potatoes, maize and wheat, which were sold directly to visiting vessels. Having acquired a degree of respectability as ‘an old hand’ or pioneer, he joined the Te Papa missionaries and fellow Tauranga traders in signing James Busby’s 1837 petition to the Colonial Office requesting protection from lawless Europeans.¹⁵

Farrow’s loyalty and service were recognised by Ngai Te Rangi on 10 January 1838. The leading rangatira Tupaea, Tangimoana and Te Omanu, permitted Farrow to purchase half an acre of land for his trading store at the western end of Otumoetai Pa, close to the foreshore. This acquisition was the earliest authenticated land purchase in the Bay of Plenty for which a Crown Grant was later issued.¹⁶ Unfortunately for posterity, no known image of James Farrow exists, but as we shall see, he also continued to play an important role in Tauranga events in the post-Treaty era.

Endnotes

¹ Matheson, A.H; ‘Otumoetai Pa and the Early Times in Tauranga’, in Journal of the Tauranga Historical Society (Inc.), Vol. 52 December 1974: OT 14.2

² James Farrow (c.1800 - 1880) - Genealogy - Genihttps://www.geni.com › people › James-Farrow. See also New Zealand, pre-1846, Person Page 567 - Early NZ History, http://www.nzearlyhistory.com › Avery, Max, Maritime Tauranga, 1826-1970, Max Colwill Avery, Tauranga, 2013: 7.

³ Daily Southern Cross, 15 September 1869: 6.

⁴ Bentley, Trevor, Pakeha-Maori: The Extraordinary Story of the Europeans Who Lived as Maori In Early New Zealand, Penguin, Auckland, 1999: 142-164.

⁵ Thomson, Arthur. The Story of New Zealand, Vol. 1, John Murray, London, 1859: 300.

⁶ Daily Southern Cross, 15 September 1869: 6.7

⁷ Cited in Wigglesworth, Roger, The New Zealand Timber and Flax Trade, 1769-1840, PhD in History, Massey University, 1981: 82.

⁸ Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6.

⁹ Ibid. 

¹⁰ Tapsell, P. ‘Reminiscences, 1777? – 1873’, -1/2005486, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington. Early Tauranga – Toanga Tu / Heritage Bay of Plenty, https://www.taongatauranga.net › early-tauranga

¹¹ Māori Land Court Minute Book (No. 3, p. 336, transcribed by Stephanie Smith), Cited in Debbie McCauley, Author, James Farrow (c. 1800-1880) - https://debbiemccauleyauthor.wordpress.com 

¹² Ibid.

¹³ Matheson, Vol. 52, 1974: OT 12.

¹⁴ Daily Southern Cross, 15 September 1869: 6.

¹⁵ Hinds, Samuel, The Latest Official Documents Relating to New Zealand, With Introduction and Observations, John W. Parker, London, 1838: 44.

¹⁶ Early Tauranga, https://www.taongatauranga.net › early-tauranga