Friday, 24 November 2023

The Home Sewing Front and World War II

Photograph by Beth Bowden

The sewing machine pictured here with Bernina mechanic Graeme Philp at his workshop in Twelfth Avenue is remarkable for a number of reasons,  First, and of most importance to home seamstresses, “It sews perfectly,” says Graeme.  Seventy-five years after it was manufactured – Graeme was able to establish the date, 1938-1941, from its serial number – its running stitch, zig-zag, and reverse stitching are performed evenly and without fuss.  It is an early model, released only six years after the Swiss Gegauf factory created the Bernina marque[1] (the name comes from a range of mountains in the Swiss Alps, whose skyline effectively evokes the shape the machines create in needle and thread).

Secondly, and going to the main theme of this essay, it was made during wartime.  Steel everywhere was being dedicated to the war effort.  Even in neutral Switzerland, Gegauf’s insistence on using only the finest steel must have taken some hard negotiations.  The corporate intertwining of Germany and Switzerland was expressed at a high level by a trade agreement signed on 8 August 1940, providing Switzerland with “raw materials, including coal and iron[2]” in return for the Swiss allowing transit of goods from Germany’s ally, Italy.

And Swiss precision-made goods were in demand by the Allies themselves.  Substitute exporting meant that (for instance: sewing machine) factories in the UK and America could divert their production lines to more important, if less refined, war materiel; sewing machines were indeed needed for the production of uniforms, parachutes, tarpaulins, camouflage nets and any number of other military purposes, but new home sewing machines were definitely a luxury item in the middle of World War II.  This one would have been a miracle of rare device to its owner, whether she[3] acquired it during or just after the war.

Photograph by Beth Bowden

Graeme’s machine, which he bought, quite recently, at an estate sale in Te Awamutu, is driven by an electric motor made in England.  He and I suppose that the unpowered machine was exported from Switzerland, then equipped with a motor before its owner emigrated with it to New Zealand. (Or it gained its motor once in New Zealand – sewing machine engines were common items to buy separately and fit on to an older, hand-turned or treadle machine.)

Bond & Bond advertisement, The Bay of Plenty Times, 30 July 1948

Meanwhile, back in Tauranga, sewing machines had been in short supply for years. This 1948 advertisement shows that modernising the household treadle was still a viable option well after the war had ended.  The electric add-on’s price, though high[4], was considerably less than the cost of even a second-hand Singer treadle.  The classified advertisement columns for that year offered a great many of them, all around the same price as a long-shuttle (and therefore somewhat elderly) model whose going price was £35[5].  No wonder advertisements for opportunities to rent machines, whether from a shop, or even in a private home, were also common. 

Late in 1948 Sinclairs’ household goods store, at 45 Devonport Road, managed to secure ‘a few only[6]’ new Jones portable sewing machines but did not put a price in their advertisement; they did, however, offer apologetic inducements to purchase a machine suitable for a child  “(Sorry None for Mother Yet)[7]” at “only 59/6 each”.  And while it is possibly unfair to do so, compare the limited qualities on offer that same year from the “Grain” machine (twice the price of the toy one) with the sleek engineering of the 1941 Bernina.

Bond & Bond advertisement, The Bay of Plenty Times, 31 May 1948

Post-war boom times were reflected not only in goods and labour shortages.  Clearly people were keen to celebrate victory by way of a new consumerism that took hold in the middle of the twentieth century[8], and even at the mid-point of the war were encouraged to do so as their patriotic duty.

Bond & Bond advertisement, The Bay of Plenty Times, 14 September 1943

Five years later the providential planners of 1943, who deposited their instalments of a few shillings a week in a National Savings Account (carrying 3% interest and helping the war effort) were still waiting to fulfil their consumer dreams.

Out in the country, however, home sewing went on much as it always had.  The formation, in 1934, of the Te Puna Sewing Bee proved to be one of those social institutions that continued right across the war years.  Three months before Hitler invaded Poland, Mesdames Chapman, Smith, Sharplin, Lochhead, Lloyd, Ainsworth, I’Anson, King and others gathered at Tom Lochhead’s homestead, “Pine Hill” for the usual competitions and the inevitable “dainty” afternoon tea.  There was much mutual congratulation on achievements to date from the equally usual sales of work: £5 each to the Church of England and Presbyterians, £10 to the Te Puna Hall Committee, £4 10s to the Te Puna School Piano Fund, £1 to the Christmas Cheer fund of a leper colony, and “a large parcel of clothing to Sister Esther”[9].  Tom, who also audited the accounts, made a speech:

Mr. Thomas Lochhead then spoke, also congratulating the ladies on reaching their fifth year. He said that he was not sure which work the ladies were doing but he had heard that they had handed £10 to the Memorial Hall fund. This, he said, was a very good thing as the Hall has been waiting for improvements for the last, approximately, twenty years. He also said that he was very much in favour of these happy little meetings that the ladies have. At this time, with such disturbances in world affairs generally, the ladies should have other things to occupy their minds. He concluded by wishing the Sewing Bee many more happy and successful years in the future.

There is no evidence at all that the Te Puna Sewing Bee matched the war efforts of Mary Munro’s Patriotic League formed in WW1[10].  Many were the worked aprons, tea cosies, babies’ garments, ornamental clothes hangers and crochet-edged tray cloths that changed hands in successive sales of work, always with the funds being applied for charitable purposes – the Leper Colony was clearly a favourite – or for community-building fun, rather than warm socks for soldiers.  The economics of modern mechanised warfare, the same military industrial complex that produced the early Berninas,  had overtaken the home front.

The Sewing Bee seems to have faded away in the 1950’s, but there would have been more than a few youngsters at Te Puna School who remembered the annual picnic days held, not at their local, ordinary beach but in town at Otumoetai, courtesy of the Te Puna Sewing Bee[11].



[3] The gendered element of this remark is acknowledged, and the purchaser might have been a male tailor.  The overwhelming evidence is that the mass market for sewing machines was female.

[4] Just under twice the weekly wage for a female clerical worker in 1948: £4/11/3d - https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/BOPT19481001.2.28

[8] See, for instance, The Challenge of Affluence: Self Control and Wellbeing in the United States and Britain since 1950 by Avner Offer, Oxford University Press, 2006

[10] https://taurangahistorical.blogspot.com/ , “The Te Puna Patriotic League Stands Up for Itself – Mary Munro and Florence Lochhead” by Beth Bowden, 14 June 2019.  Florence, as Mrs Chapman, succeeded Mrs J Wright, the inaugural President of the Sewing Bee.

Friday, 17 November 2023

Edward Clementson, Castaway and Flax Agent, 1833-1838

Tauranga’s Early Traders Part IV
 

Like the South Shields collier Mary shown here in two views, Clementson’s vessels Elizabeth and Bee were British built brigs – vessels generally defined as square sailed, 2 masted vessels, often with one or more try sails between foremast and bowsprit and a fore-and-aft spanker boom sail off the main mast.

Edward Clementson enters New Zealand history in 1830 as a 23-year-old ship’s mate on Captain John Stewart’s 236-ton English brig Elizabeth, which sailed from Sydney to New Zealand in search of a cargo of muka or dressed flax.1   In return for a promised shipload of this commodity, Stewart transported 100 of Te Rauparaha’s Ngati Toa warriors from Kapiti to Banks Peninsula. There, they surprised and slaughtered many Ngai Tahu people at Takapuneke and captured their leading rangatira Te Maiharanui and his wife. Both were later tortured and killed at Kapiti. The Elizabeth’s crew was reported by Ngai Tahu survivors to have actively participated in the attack. John Stewart was subsequently arrested and sent to trial in Sydney where the charges were dismissed. Although Clementson had led the party of three sailors who seized and chained Te Maiharanui and was described in NSW official documents as one of the two principal offenders, he was not prosecuted.2

By 1832, Edward Clementson was in command of the brig Bee, sharing with the first mate responsibilities for the deck crew, ship’s cargo and navigation. Despite its assorted crews and skippers (including Clementson), the 135-ton, square-rigged sealer-trader was sailed repeatedly and successfully between Hobart and New Zealand, and along the latter’s uncharted, unlighted, inshore “cannibal coast”, for more than 20 years.3

Between Abel Tasman’s visit in 1642 and the Treaty in 1840, Maori throughout New Zealand launched 111 recorded taua ito (blood vengeance) and taua muru (ritualised plundering) raids against ships, ships boats and shore parties, almost all retaliatory in accordance with tikanga Maori or customary law. Given these turbulent times, the Bee had a remarkably long period of service, particularly as most voyages were made during the Sealers War (1810-1822) and the most intensive years of the intertribal Musket Wars (1818 -1839).4 

The journalist-historian James Cowan said of the Bee’s voyages during this era:

Under one owner and another, and a succession of hard-case skippers, this busy Bee knocked about New Zealand and its off-shore islands wherever there was a cargo of flax to be picked up from the Maoris in exchange for muskets and gunpowder, or a load of oil and bone from its shore-whalers, or a lot of skins from the seal-hunting gangs. In her spare time she went whaling, like many other South Sea traders of that day.5  

In 1833, a time served convict from Hobart town named William Cuthbert, also known as Lincoln Bill, managed to raise enough capital from creditors to charter the Bee and a cargo of “trade” intended for barter with coastal iwi. On boarding the vessel, he directed the Bee’s new captain, William Stewart to sail for New Zealand ostensibly ‘to trade for flax and pigs, oil and “general fixings”, which at that time included smoke-dried tattooed heads; trade term, “baked heads”.  Cuthbert first ordered Stewart to proceed to Tasmania’s Maria Island where he took aboard three escaped convicts from the penal settlement and their captive policeman escort.6     

William Stewart was a master mariner and navigator of some repute and Stewart Island is named after him. Clementson, who remained on the Bee in the role of first mate quarrelled with Cuthbert who planned to sail the brig to Peru where he hoped to sell the vessel and its cargo. In due course, the brig reached the New Zealand coast at Tauranga. Here, Cuthbert ordered Clementson ashore at pistol point on one of its beaches “with barely more than the clothes he wore”.7

In 1833 Edward Clementson was abandoned on one of Tauranga’s beaches by the Bee’s piratical master William Cuthbert

The Bee’s crew set sail for the Pacific Islands where Cuthbert later dumped the police constable and the three Maria Island convicts. For some months, he and his crew, which mostly comprised time expired convicts like himself, commenced an island hopping, drunken debauch with Polynesian women from various islands between, and including, Tahiti and Hawaii, on their way to Peru. However at Honolulu Harbour, William Cuthbert disappeared, perhaps forewarned that the Sydney authorities had declared the brig a pirated vessel, though the Maketu based trader Phillip Tapsell was later informed that the pirate had been hanged.8 The Bee was eventually returned to Sydney and sold for the benefit of Cuthbert’s creditors.

There were no missionaries resident in Tauranga in 1833 and Clementson was fortunate not to have been captured by Ngapuhi or Te Arawa, whose allied waka fleets often entered the harbour and occupied its shores that year to make war on local iwi. Clementson found refuge among Ngai Te Rangi’s trader Pakeha-Maori at Otumoetai Pa, where he was soon recruited as a flax buying agent by the Maketu based trader Phillip Tapsell. Led by Tapsell, Clementson and several Maori guides set out from Maketu to Rotorua, then on to Matamata Pa, the base from which the castaway Englishman was to conduct his trade. The journey and reception at Matamata must have been a strange experience for Clementson, a veteran seaman recently turned landlubber. Tapsell told his biographer, the Maketu Postmaster, Mr E. Little in 1869:

For a part of the way our journey was very severe, over a succession of steep mountains, the sides of which were like precipices, and though the forest of Patatere [sic], which was so dense, and obstructed with undergrowth and supplejack, that our passage through it was toilsome beyond measure. Matamata was at that time a very beautiful place, and provisions of all kind very abundant, A great feast was prepared on the arrival of our party from Maketu. Pigs were killed and roasted, baskets of eels prepared, and stacks of potatoes sufficient for a hundred men; in addition to which a large number of live pigs were sent for our party to kill for ourselves.9 

When Tapsell had negotiated terms of trade with Te Waharoa and other leading rangatira, he and his guides returned to Maketu, leaving Clementson among Matamata’s Ngati Haua people.10   

Tapsell had already placed traders at Matamata Pa to exchange muskets, munitions and general trade goods for dressed flax. Appointed chief trading agent by Tapsell, Clementson appears to have been readily accepted by his fellows, while he adopted their Pakeha-Maori lifestyle and became fluent in Maori. When the Anglican missionaries Williams, Fairburn, Brown and Morgan ascended the Waihou for the first time in 1833, they were welcomed at Matamata by Te Waharoa. Williams noted that Ngati Haua’s traders were "very civil" Nevertheless, that evening when the missionaries and their christianised Maori porters commenced a hymn, Clementson and his three companions countered from within their whare with a voluminous version of Old King Cole.11

This sketch by Henry Williams of missionaries crossing a swamp is based on his arduous traverse of the Matamata’s great Mangapouri swamp with Revs Fairburn, Brown and Morgan in 1833. The same swamp was traversed by Clementson’s great cross-Kaimai flax trains from 1833.

As arranged by Tapsell and Te Waharoa, for the next several years Clementson's consignments of flax were back packed or pikaued through the great korari or flax swamp known as Mangapouri (Dark Stream) and across the Waihou River, seperating Matamata and the Kaimai Range. They were then laboriously transported up the 1,600-foot range by long lines of women, older children and slaves who camped overnight on the broad summit plateau. Descending the ancient and deeply rutted Wairere track the following day, the porters crossed the Te Puna Peninsula to the Wairoa River mouth. There, they were met by the Otumoetai based Farrow brothers who supervised the consignments’ loading aboard vessels bound for Bay of Islands and those contracted to the Sydney merchant Richard Jones.

While Clementson’s consignments were intermittent, they were considerable. In a letter written to Henry Williams in on 11 September 1835, Alfred Brown who was visiting Tauranga reported: "Mr Clementson is just going to transport upwards of fifty tons of flax to Tauranga in two thousand back-loads. All this has been scraped by the natives since I have been here".12

A trader bartering with Maori for baskets of dressed flax and a pig during the 1830s

Despite his actions during the Elizabeth affair, Clementson established and remained on good terms with Tapsell, his fellow traders at Matamata Pa and the Bay of Islands missionaries during their temporary visits to Tauranga between 1833 and 1838. When Clementson learned that Te Waharoa was planning to attack Maketu Pa in early 1836, he twice sent one of his traders to warn Tapsell.13 When Rev John Wilson visited Tauranga on the little missionary cutter Kukupa in 1836, the year intertribal warfare in the region reached its apogee, Clementson sent him a bodyguard - a ferocious bull-dog cross, incongruously named Breezy.14  

Later that year, when Clementson and James Farrow visited the Bay of Islands, they joined the missionaries in supporting a petition to King William IV, by settlers, exasperated at the absence of law and order.15 Fortunately for Clementson, when he once cursed Te Waharoa “native fashion”, a curse associated with evil and death, a timely intervention by Alfred Brown saved his life. The utu (payment or compensation) demanded by Te Waharoa, and known to have been paid by Brown, while unstated, will have been substantial.16   

 

Te Waharoa died in 1838 and his Pakeha-Maori Edward Clementson, died soon after, during a voyage from Tauranga to Matata. His trader contemporary James Farrow who survived the voyage informed Phillip Tapsell:

 

       He [Farrow], his wife, Clementson and a young man named Jenkins had set out … with a view of meeting with Mr White [resident trader at Matata and later, a prolific boatbuilder], and when off the place, were overtaken by a gale of wind. It would have been easy for them to have run under the lee of Whale Island where they could have had smooth water, and there have waited till the storm subsided, but their young companion being inexperienced and very confident, was strongly desirous that they should at once land at Matata, which he was of the opinion they could easily do.

 

Yielding to this opinion, they pulled for the mainland, on approaching which, they found a very heavy surf breaking on the bar. Appearances were so threatening, that when near the entrance to the river, they laid on their oars to deliberate on the best course to pursue. They consulted so long that before they were aware, the boat drifted into the breakers and was capsized. Jenkins not being able to swim, went down like a shot. Clementson was a good swimmer, but was so encumbered by heavy boots and buttoned up to the throat with a pea jacket, that after a few strokes, he sank also.17  

 

James Farrow, who was also a good swimmer, almost succumbed to exhaustion, but encouraged by his Maori wife who swam by his side, he eventually reached the shore and safety.

 

References

1 NZ pre-1846, Person page 791, Early NZ history, nzearlyhistory.com, http://www.nzearlyhistory.com › p791 

2 Ogilvie, Gordon, Banks Peninsula, Cradle of Canterbury, GP Books, Wellington, 1990: 155. McNab, Robert, Historical Records of New Zealand, Vol. II, Government Printer, Wellington, 1914: 594.

3 Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6. 

4 Bentley, Trevor, Pakeha Slaves, Maori Masters, New Holland, Auckland, 2019: 22-23, 25-26.

5 Cowan, James, ‘Rovers of the Brig “Bee’ – The Story of a Lawless Cruise in the Old Pacific’, in The New Zealand Railways Magazine, Vol. 13, Issue 3, 1938: 17-20.

6 Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6. 

7 Auckland Star, 8 December 1928: 1. (Supplement). Cowan, JPS, Vol. 13: 18.

8 Daily Southern Cross, 4 August 1869: 6.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid. 

11 Vennell, C.W; Brown and the Elms, D.H. Maxwell, Tauranga, 1984: 12.

12 Gifford, W.H. and H.B. Williams, A Centennial History of Tauranga, The Tauranga Centennial Committee and A.H. and A.W. Reed, Dunedin, 1940, Capper Reprint, 1976: 209.

13 Tapsell, P; ‘Reminiscences, 1777?-1873’. Ref. ½-005486, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, NZ: 155-156.

 

14 Wilson, J.A; Missionary Life and Work in New Zealand, 1889: 56.

 

15 Polack, J.S; New Zealand, Vol II, Richard Bentley, London, 1838, Capper Reprint, 1974: 188.  

 

16 L.W. ‘Te Waharoa of NgatiHaua’, in The Journal of the Polynesian Society, Vol 71, No. 4 1962: 368.

 

17 Tapsell, P.  ‘Reminiscences’,155-156.

 

Illustrations

John Scott, The South Shields Collier Brig ‘Mary’ 1885, Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org ›wiki › Brig

John Kinder, Mt Maunganui, Tauranga, 1874, 1937/15/46, Auckland Art Gallery, Toi O Tamaki.

Henry Williams, ‘Passing through a swamp in New Zealand’, PUBL-0031-1836-1. Alexander Turnbull library, Wellington, NZ.

John Williams, ‘A European male, thought to be Joel Polack bargaining with three Maori males’, [1845-1846]. A-079-017. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, NZ>